Newspapers / The Tarborough Southerner (Tarboro, … / Aug. 27, 1842, edition 1 / Page 1
Part of The Tarborough Southerner (Tarboro, N.C.) / About this page
This page has errors
The date, title, or page description is wrong
This page has harmful content
This page contains sensitive or offensive material
7 H I 4 Whole No. 800. 37ic Tarboroikgh Press, Bf GEORdE HOWARD, Is published weekly at 7to Dollars and Fifty Cents per year, if paid iii advance or Three Dollars at the expiration of the subscription year For an) period less thaii a year, Twenty-fire tmts per month. Subscribers are at liberty to discontinue at anytime, on giving notice thereof And paying arrears those residing at a distance, rhust invariably pay in advance, or give a respon sible reference in this vicinity. Advertisements not exceeding a square will be inserted at One Dollar the first insertion, and 25 cents for every continuance. Longer advertise ments in like proportion. Court Orders and Ju dicial advertisements 25 per cent, higher. Ad vertisements must bo marked the number of in sertions required, or they will be continued until otherwise ordered and charged aecnnuugiy. Letters addressed to the. Kditor must be post paid or they may notue attended 10. SPEECH OF Hon. John R. J. Daniel, of N. C. On the Tariff Bill: delivered in the 11. of Representatives, July S, 1S42. Hie House being in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, and the tarifl'hill being under consideration Mr. DANIEL addtessed the committee as follows: Mr. Chairman: That the gng should have been adapted immediately preceding the discussion of litis great measure, is mat ter of regret. Not only does it involve the whole policy of the Government but the exercise of one of the most important and delicate powers which can be exerted I mean the taxing povVer. That a me is ure so important in character, and So numerous in its details, should be subjected to the shackles and restraints of the gag, is, I again repeat matter of regret. The main proposition before the committee is the bill reported by the Committee of Ways and Means. The gentleman from Massachu setts Mr. SaltonstAll has nibv.ed; as a fiubsiitute, the bill reported from tiie Com mittee on Manufactures. Notice has been given of several amendments intended to be offered; and 1 take this occasion to say that, at a proper time, I shall move to strike out the 25th section of the bill. Under the operation of the gag, these several pro positions, as well as the details of ihc bill; are presented to our consideration at one and the same time, tending to eqnfuse rind distract the attcntidn of the committee, and must be discussed iti the briel space which the rule allows, or not at all; for when the hour arrives at wliicli the debate is to Cease, and the vote to be taken upon amend ments, no explanation whatever is allowed, and a scene ensues which violates every idea of a deliberative body, and. to my mind, is supremely ridiculous. We then exhibit to an enlightened world a grand pantomimic farce, inconsistent with the' dignity of an American Congress, in con flict with the spirit of our institutions, and truly degrading to our national character. 1 have already said that the measure un der consideration not only involves the policy of the Government, but the ex ercise of the taxing power. The caution and tenderness, on the one hand, and the readiness and freedom, on the other, with which this power is exercised, have al ways to some extent, and hereafter will more distinctly mark the policy of the two great parties of the country. The Demo crats, opposed to exclusive privileges and monopolies, and aiming to confer the great est good upon the greatest number, as a par ty, are the advocates of the free trade; while their opponents, favoring exclusive privileges and monopolies the few at the expense of the many as a party, are for the restrictive or protective policy. Now, when we reflect that it is a proposition which meets with very general approba tion among the American people, that no more money should be raised by taxation than what is necessary for the wants of the Government, we may form some general idea of the character of the measures' which the policy of the two parties would natur ally suggest. The Democrats would not only favor a strict construction of the Con stitution, and discountenance the exercise of doubtful powers thereby limiting the action of the Federal Government to the few and simple but important purjroses for which it was formed, anil avoiding colli sions with the States but, within the sphere of its action, thus defined, would practice all the economy which the efficiency of live Government woukl admit as indis pensable to the prosecution of their policy. The Whig, on the other hand, knowing that the popular sentiment is opposed to the levying of taxes beyond the wants of the Government, would naturally adopt a broad construction the Constitution, and Tnrborbli'ghi sanction the exercise of doubtful powers bv the Federal (tovirnmpnt pvph i iho oy the federal Government, even at the hazard of collision with the Slates; and withid the sphere of its action, thus enlarg ed, and driwing witliin its scope subjects never intended to be confided to it, would multiply and increase the wanis of the Government, with a view to Heavy ex penditures; which are as indispensable to their system of policy, astlieairwe breathe is to our existence. A brief review of the past will warrant me in what I have said, and show that the great and pressing wants of the Govern ment, which the advocates of protection so eloquently Urge, are the result of Vhig policy, and may have been intended to in sure the adoption of this very measure. During the last Administration when, I admit, the aggregate expenditures wert large, owing to. the Florida war, ami otli. r causes; sdnie of which nd longer, and oth ers but partially exist ;ind while denoun cing its extravagance before the country, the Whigs, true to the principles of their policy generally, not drily voted for the large appropriations which they condemn ed, but for others; th it might be truly cha racterized a extravagant, and which were defeated mainly by Democratic votes. Having come into power by the hopes which their professions of retrenchment anil econdmy, and promises df belter times, had excited, they have illustrated more clearly the character dnd tendency ot their principle. Not content to adminis ter the Government the first year, (iS41) with the means placed at their disposal by the preceding Congress, and which tvere amply sufficient for its economical admin istration, an extra session was ordered even before some of the members had rea ched their homes, and, in the absence of any indication on the part of Congress thai such a measure was necessary; ami in open disregard of the solemn professions to which they owed their success, a system of bold and extravagant I might almost say reckless measures were originated, and, for the most part, adopted; the object of which was, it would seem, to create a strorig and permanent necessity for . the free use of the taxing power, as the foun dation of the system which it is now appa rent they aie determined to pursue. Not only were additional appropriations made, amounting to upwards of five millions of dollars, but a loan of twelve millions was authorised and, inconsistent asit seems to be, the proceeds of the public lands were diverted from an empty treasury, and di rected io He disiributed among the States arid Territories, for works of internal im prcverhchls; arid other purposes of State policy. And had the bill proposing the establishment of another monsterof iniqui ties been approved by the President, sev eral millions more would have been added I cy of those to whom I stand opposed, to the public debt. At the present session, sometimes exhibits. Under the operation as if to render ihe argument to be derived j of their measures, the treasury has been from the great ami pressing wants of the'emptied and greatly embarrassed; and, Government, and low state of the public1 while driven to miserable shifts to keep the crudit, more imposing, this great measure , Government afloat, a revenue bill is intro has been kept back until a very late period duced, which, it is seemingly admitted, of the session; and, in the mean time, the . rriay frtil to raise a sufficient amount of rev public debt has been greatly enlarged, by 'cnue, with a section in it which has for its an act for issuing five millions of treasury 'object to exclude from the treasury some notes, and another to authorize five mil- J three millions annually, which it would lions to be borrowed, in addition to the otherwise receive. If, Mr Chairman, ex twelve millions authorized by the act of the j cises and direct taxes should be the conse laSt session. Such has been the policy ol queiice of such inconsistent, and, as it ap the party now in power such the meas-;' pears to me, unstatesman-like legislation, tires the combined and blighting influence j let the censure rest, if there be censure, of which is brought to bear upon the bill now under consideration. Sir, had the unfortunate and much to be regrc'tted eXlra session been avoided, and at this session the promised retrench ment and economy, so much desired by the people', been carried out ; had the navy establishment been kept at what the pur poses of commerce required, collecting at the proper arsenals ami naval depots such necessary materials as enter into the con struction of ships, to be put together as cir cumstances might rerjuire,- and so as to se cure the advantages and improvements which the progress of the arts and sciences is continually suggesting; had the army been reduced to what it Was before the Black Hawk and Florida' wars" rendered its enlargement necessary ha'd all the offices been abolished in the Laud and Indian bu reaus, which might be dispensed with a vast quantity oi the public lands having already been surveyed,' and remaining yet unsold;1 and the Indians' having been remo ved; and had thai spirit of economy and retrenchment,- so rife in the laud previous to the election' of 1840, instead of flaggings (if, indeed, it has not evaporated,) been made to pervade every department of the Government, think I hazard nothing in aying now, that the almost unprecedented inflation of the currency, affecting so mate rially both private and public disburse ments, has subsided, the expenditures of he last year might have been kept within ihe amount of those of the preceding year, with the prospect of reducing them, the present, to something like" seventeen or ughteen millions of dollars. Sir, had the Government been made to' take the direc tion which 1 have indicated, instead of that (Edgecombe County, JV. 6J Saturday, Jhigu&l 27, 18-12 which has been given it, how different nmni.ii! i - - ; . , . , would liavc been the considerations grow ing out of ihe financial and political condi tion oi the country, and connecting them selves with this great measure, from those by whHi it is at present surrounded. In that event, not only would no necessity have arisen to transcend the limits of the com promise act, as is now insisted; but the de ficiency inthc revenue, occasioned by the two last reductions of that act, might have been supplied, to a sufficient extent, by a duty of twenty per cent, upon such articles as, under the act, were left free, or paid a less duty than twenty per cent., that ap proximatcd nearest to luxuries; leaving some articles of general and necessary con sumption still free. And what is certain ly not unworthy of consideration that ir ritation and discontent, which the bill un der consideration1 (should it become a law) will not fail to produce; would have been avoided. Mr. Chairman, the distribution act of the last session contains a proviso, (and without which, it is well known, it never could have become a law,) that the distri bution among the States and Territories1 should cease whenever, arid so long as, the duty on any article or articles of import should be raised and continue above 20 per cent. That proviso the 25th section of the bill proposes to repeal, so as to prevent that suspension of the distribution, which the bill, should it pass into a law, will ef fect. If" it has been the object of the measures which have marked the policy of the parly now in power, to create a necessity for high duties; with a view to protect domes tic manufactures, and such consideration entered into the motives for the distribu tion act; now that the necessity, is suffi ciently great, without the aid of that meas ure when the tredsury is empty, and our credit at the lowest ebb; nay, when the whole tenor of the argument submitted by ihe honorable chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means goes to show that the bill, as high as the duties are; may fail to raise the requisite amount, of revenue a wise and patriotic regard for thehoriorand character of the Government seems to re quire that the section in question should be stricken out, in order that the proceeds of the lands may be restored to the treasury, to aid in sustaining its sinking credit, and alleviate the burden of taxation. Shtfuld the bill fail to produce the necessary a mount of revenue for the vvants of Govern ment, recourse to a system of excises and direct taxes, to which the chairman of Ways and Means seems to be so much opposed, must be the consequence of re taining the section in the bill. And here, again,- I cannoi loruear to remark, wnat strange and singular inconsistency the poli where in truth and justice it ought to rest. The above considerations address them selves as well to the other side of the House, as to the party with' which it is my pride to act. But with me, as I believe witii the Democratic party generally, and, as" I trust and believe, with a majority, of the American people, there are other rea sons against ihe section of the bill in ques tion, which go to the principles and policy of the distribution act itself. I do not design," Mr. Chairman', to enter into an extended discussion' of the distribu tion act, and the policy it involves. The subject has, on other occasions, been ex hausted. I will state, but briefly, the grounds of my objections. The claim or right set up, on the part of the Slates, to the proceeds of the public lairds, is founded upon the deeds of cession; and cannot, therefore, extend to' the land:? acquired by the purchase of Louisiana and Florida. But, in? regard to the lands' com prehended hi the deeds of cession, if is without foundation. Although Ihe deeds of cessrori -'vary somewhat in their phrase ology, they all, in substance, "cede, trans fer, and relinquish" the lands they were intended to embrace,- to' such of the States as, at the time, were, or might afterwards become, members of the Federal alliance; and were, therefore, ceded to them, not in their 'several or individual capacity, but in their united, federal capacity, without any limitation over, or resulting trust whatever, as a "common'furrd," for the use and bene fit of such States, the ceding States includ ed, according to" their usual respective proportions in the general charge and ex penditure;" and to be "faithfully and bona fide disposed of for that purpose, and for! no other use or piirpose whatever." .- candid and impartial examination of lb deeds of cession will warrant no other in fercnre:andl think I may safely affun that nothing can be found in conflict will it, in the debates and proceedings either of the convention which formed the Federa Constitution, or of any of ihe State conven lions held for its adoption. And, sir, I was glad to learn from the trentlcman fron Kentucky, Mr. Makshm.l,) whose can dor and magnanimity lead hirri to express irankly the opinions he entertains, in hi remarks tlie other day on Ihe veto message that he did not concur in this claim of righ' on the part of the States, but supported ihe act on the ground of police. The constitutional argomenl in favor of . uA.. r . ; h. uiu .tui nua in ne lounuauon to rest upon The power given to Congress' by ihe sec ond clause of ihe third seo.tioti of the fourth article of the Constitution ti dispose of, and make all needtul rules ami regulation respecting, the territory or other property belonging id the United States" general ly relied tipon, does notjiistily It. It ex tends" id all the oilier property io every thing which, by tair intendment, can b included in the term 'properly' belong ing lo the United States, as vell as to tlie territory. It is obvious, ihen, that, if Con gress, tinder the power in qdestion, cari dispose of the public lands, and distribute the proceeds among the States, for works of internal improvement; and other purposes of State policy, (as has been done by the distribution act,) it may, under tlie same power, dispose of the ships, forts,, public buildings, .and any other property belong ing to the United States, and distribute' the proceeds for similar purposes. The pow er was given to. enable Congress 'Mo dis pose of, arid make all such rules and reg ulations respecting, the territory or other, property belonging to the Unite?! Slates;" as the purposes arid objects of the Union, collected Irom the Constitution, might re quire; and not such as the objects and pur poses of the states, as distinbt botilfriu hitieSy might require. Such purposesare foreign from the end and design of the Fed eral Government. Besides, is it nbtobvi b'us that, in this view, the distribution act, and the argument which attempts to main tain it, involve the proposition more es pecially since the deficiency in the treasu ry occasioned by the act must be supplied by loan' or taxes that Congress friay bor row money; and levy taxes, to distribute a mong the States, for works of internal irn: provement; .and such other purposes as the policy of the States may seem to require? Can Gentlemen reflect upon the proposi tion, without perceiving that it virtually and insidiously as it were, breaks down all the constitutional barriers designed by bur forefathers for the jj'roiection of the States against the encroachments" of the Federal Government, and leaves it without limitation or power? Sir, if I could safic: lion the distribution act, entertaining the opinion which I do of its principles, j should ft ei that I had "passed tlie Rubi con," and was prepared fof any proposition" which expediency of discieiiou might sug- S0?t- . ... . .. . , But, Mr. Chairman, considerations of a constitutional character' are hdl likely to find a favorable reception vvith the friends of distribution. 1 beseech t hem, therefore, to consider the probable opera! ion of the act, on the source of policy. That the most effectual guaranty which the constituent has against ihe improper and oppressive use of the taxing power, is the direct and immediate dependence of t he representative, with wffoui ihe power is intrusted, vill not be dented. Thai the dependence of members of ihe State Leg islatures' is generally more immediate and more sensibly felt than that of members" of Congress, and their relations wilh their constituents more inlimate, and th'efr knowledge of their Wishes and views more extensive and accurate, is equally I rue. It is likewise true that the people of ihe States feel a more immediate and peculiar concern in the proceedings of their respective Leg islatures, and generally have belter means of knowing and understanding thefh," than the proceedings of Congress. ior is it unworthy of observation, that the indirect mode of levying taxes, by means' of duties on imports, is more readily resorted to than the direct taxation to which the Slate Legislature's are confined not because it is less oppressive, but because its effect is less perceptible, and, lo some exient, it may be said to be Voluntary wilh those who pay the taxes. These safeguards a gainst ife oppressive use of the taxing power, the distribution act either material ly weakens or destroys, by shifting ihe re sponsibility of its exercise," to a very great extent, from one set of agents whose de pendence, generally, is more sensibly fell, and who are belter acquainted' with the feelings and views of their constituents io another set, who are not so well ac quainted, and whose dependence is more remote. Such being the case, what, 1 ask, in process of time, will be the probable ei' I'ects upon the action as well of the General Government as of the State Legislatures? Vol. XV ill No 34. JrMiiiili t Will it not be the apparent, though not tfig "ue interest Oline large Diau-ss iiui we now how apt mankind are to lie iiifluehc y immediate, rather ltim remote results,) nving ih progress; or in contemplation, ;xtenivp plan's df improvements, lo give uch diicction lo their united influence, both in Ihe p pular branch b'f Congress, md in the electoral colleges, as will most likely ensure such a system df heavy taxa tion as will supply, in addition to what i heir Slate Legislatures might Venture to raise, means commensurate w ith their pro jects? And will hot this united influence, in the electoral colleges arid bnfc branch of Congress, aided, iii turn, by the executive department; lend id beget a gradual but 'lire influence upon the other bfdnch of tlie .VatioriaM Legislature, Until the favored pol icv is insured involving; id its oppressive eff.-cts, those States whdse views cf jjolicy and local sit at od riia'y incline f herH to a moderate use df ihe taxing powe'r? SucH must be the natural tendency df the policy of the distribdUdii act. That the large a mount of revehile arising fforti the higH duties imposed by our tariff laws, in con nexion with the inflation of tlie tllrreneV; together with tHe dlsiribution of ihe sur plus revenue among the States, are among the chief cadses of the large expenditures of the General fJovernment, so muchcom- pliined of; and of that improvident legisla tion in regard to b'afikingand internal im provements on the part of riling of the Slates, which Has resulted iti that deep aiicl extehVive indebtedness so much to be de plored, hti person, who will ook rit things as lhei have existed, and reflect up on cause and efirjet, can fail lb bercelve. But these effects, pernicious as they have been, fall shbrt of iliose vvJiich Ihe operation1 of ihe distribution act must ultimately pro duce. And; sirj when we reflect that bur GoverHmenl is riot founded in force, nor td be maintained by it, but in the attachment of our people. I hfe disaflectiotl which stich oppresssive effects must engender, give! rise to tHe most glbbtfit apprehensions for the perpetuity of olir institutions. 1 am gratified to know; tioweve'r, that the De mocracy of some of the Suites deeply em barrassed on a'ceount b'f (vbrkS iti ivhicH the are engaged, linsedticed (ty apfftrent beilefits, and adhering to the true principles! and objects of our Unibn, Have looked to the ultimate but sure effects of the act; anil scorned its profleied bfibei. 1 liave said the indirect mode of raising revenue by the General Government, by means of d Iii ies bfi Jrhpof'ts, is ho't less op pressive than direct taxation, to which' the' State Governments are confined. I will il Hisirate ii, iri ihe operation of the distribu tion act. Assuming the probable amount of the proceeds of the public lands for dis tribution1 lb be three millions annually though ihe last year, owing to the depress ed slate of the money-market, and other causes, they yielded but and inconsidera ble siim it is clear that, in the present condition of the treasury, the amount dis tributed, with the cost of collection, (taken to be 10 percent, upon the gro. am6ufrt;J must be raised by imposl duties", Hi . addi tion to what would otherwise be' sufficient for Ihe purposes of Government. Now; all impost dutiesare paid; in the' first in stance, by ihe importing merchants; for the privilege of .selling their goods in bur ma'f kels; and chief inio, and constitute," a por tion of the price at vvhicTi their imports are pu chased by the retail merchants. Tweh U five per cent, upon thecOslin the for eign market, 'tipon Which our duties are as sess 6 I, and ihc amount of the duties paid by- ihe impofiers, is supposed not io be loo' high an estimate, for freight, charges; ancl profits, by ihe lime they reach the relai! merchants; and thirty three andalhifcf per cent., upon an average, is not; I presume, an extravagant estimate for cost, charges, and profits, when ihe retail merchants sell o ihe consumers especially When' ve re flect that goods frequently, perhaps mos usGally. pass through several, hands; aftef leaving the importers, before they rea'cW the consumers. 'faking ihe above premises t6" be fof reel. let us f-ee whether my Stale tVifi, be likely io gain or lose by receiving her sn'jre of f.he $3,u60 000, and having a gross a mount raised by impost duties; which, de dueling 10 per cent., for collection', wiff return the $2.0O0,6ti(fio tn'e treasury, frf the JS3.660.O06'. bet fedeml population wilf entitle her to SI 23, 537. How she wilf lie affected by having ife import dut?es suffi ciently niglV lo raise a gross sum which4 will replace tbe 3.000,006 distributed may be s en by the followingcalculatidn: The gross sum to net the amount distributed, wih 10 per cent, for collection $3,333,333 Add for rrn porters, on sales 16 retail merchants,' 25'per c6nt. 633.333' 4',166,666ir dd for retail merchants, oh" . ... sales to consumers," 33 1 pi ct. l,3S8,SS8i The amount to be pai'd' by the whole pop ulation of the United Slates, ttf replace' the M K if i i i n if.- if f fl i i:
The Tarborough Southerner (Tarboro, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Aug. 27, 1842, edition 1
1
Click "Submit" to request a review of this page. NCDHC staff will check .
0 / 75